The following propositions, extracted from the text discussing ACT mathematics,
amount to hypotheses that can be tested in order to evaluate ACT's performance
in predicting social psychological processes.
a deflection, D, measures whether conditions generated by an event confirm or
disconfirm past experience � Context
an event seems more likely when it generates smaller deflections. � Context
an event seems more unlikely (U), uncanny, or unique as deflections are larger
� Context
specification of interactions for predicting affective outcomes remains an
open issue, especially across cultures. � Context
the unlikeliness-uncanniness-uniqueness of a future event can be determined
entirely in terms of quantities that exist before the event occurs, namely,
cultural definitions (f), parameters describing psychological processes
(M, W, and V), and circumstances produced by recent
events (t). � Context
by this rendering of the reidentification problem an object person's
circumstantial state as a result of past events affects the calculation of an
appropriate actor. � Context
However, an alternative construction is that labeling processes ignore all
events prior to the last event - the one that is being explained - in which
case object transients also would be set equal to fundamentals. � Context
the affect-control model reasonably embraces settings, in the sense that
actions get adjusted appropriately when actors try to maintain sentiments
about settings as well as about actors, behaviors, and objects of action.
� Context
emotion can be predicted from the fundamental profile for self and the post
event transient profile for self. � Context
emotions directly correspond to how events have affected the self - an
interpretation that corresponds to intuitions (e.g., events that make one look
bad also make one feel bad). � Context
People conduct themselves so as to keep transient impressions of themselves
close to their identities, according to the basic axiom of affect control
theory. Therefore the fundamental self profile, fS, can
determine emotion by determining what transient impressions generally arise as
an individual creates events in a situation. � Context
people experience especially good or potent or lively emotions when events
make them seem more good or potent or lively than their identity warrants.
� Context
people who adopt extremely negative identities may experience chaotic
emotions, or emotional lability. � Context
the trait that is inferred in order to account for a particular event will
vary depending on the person's initial situational identity. � Context
trait inferences about a person with an extremely negative situational
identity should be chaotic, depending on minor variations in participation.
� Context
traits are evident only in retrospect after it is clear that a situationally
abnormal event will not be repaired. In particular, the trigger for
attributing a trait consists of (1) an event that disconfirms a person's
situational identity, (2) an opportunity to participate in an event that would
repair the consequences of the prior disconfirming event, and (3) foregoing
the repair opportunity. � Context
inference of a particular trait that explains a person's current behavior is
abandoned if a disconfirmation in another situation is recollected (a
disconfirmation is an instance in which the person acted abnormally, assuming
he or she has the trait). � Context
a mood attribution has to explain any recollected individual idiosyncracy in
the current situation in order to be warranted. � Context
an abnormal participation with regard to one situational identity does not
warrant inference of a new informal identity if the person's participation
always can be viewed as confirming or repairing other identities in his or her
situational repertoire of roles. � Context
the predicted evaluation of an actor is positive if the actor's emotion is
consistent with the impact of the actor's behavior (e.g., feeling ashamed
about an act with bad consequences or joyous about an act with good
consequences). � Context
reidentifications of an emoting actor can be chaotic or impossible when the
actor is directing very lively action to a very quiet person (e.g.,
grandparents, geezer, old maid, scrooge) or very quiet action (e.g., lull,
soothe, contemplate) to a very lively person. � Context
reidentifications of an emoting actor will be chaotic or impossible when the
displayed emotion is bad (like anger, fear, shame, depression) and the event
involves a bad, strong, lively act (e.g., attack) directed at a strong, quiet
person (e.g., grandfather or disciplinarian) � Context
the goodness or badness of predicted acts is dependent mainly on the actor's
fundamental goodness or badness, while fundamental evaluations of object
persons have no consistent effects. � Context
Relative neutralization of an actor's transient status exaggerates the
goodness of the actor's actions when dealing with a positively-evaluated
object � Context
object fundamentals are not a consideration in actor reidentification. For
example, an actor who engaged in a given behavior on another theoretically
would be judged the same, regardless if the other were a hero who has been
made to seem neither good nor bad (transient E=0), or if the other were a
villain who has been made to seem neither good nor bad. � Context
object evaluations (ranging between �4.3) never can reverse the judgment of
an actor's character generated by the actor's behavior. � Context
the reidentification of an actor is more extreme with a good object and less
extreme with a bad object. � Context
If the actor is positive and the behavior is positive, then the predicted
re-evaluation of the object is positive. This effect is even more extreme when
the actor has a temporarily depleted status: apparently, a recipient is
assumed to be particularly good if an actor tries to regain self-esteem by
acting favorably toward the recipient. � Context
A good act by a stigmatized actor makes the recipient seem bad, and again the
effect is exaggerated if the actor's stigma is temporarily depleted: if an
actor tries to repair evilness by acting nicely toward a person, then,
apparently, the recipient of action is assumed to be evil, too. � Context
If the actor is good and the behavior is bad, then the object is seen as bad -
someone who gets treated badly by a good person must deserve it. � Context
If the actor is bad and the behavior is bad, then the object is seen as
someone good, as if we presume that bad people prefer to abuse good people.
� Context
The best thing someone can do is act nicely toward a good person, and the
graph shows that this results in a positive reidentification (3.5) if a
definitely positive emotion is displayed, whereas the reidentification is
negative (-6.0) if the displayed emotion is definitely negative. � Context
On the other hand, the worst thing someone can do is act nefariously toward a
good person, and in this case a positive emotion yields a prediction of
stigmatization (-6.0) whereas a negative emotion yields a positive
reidentification (4.3). � Context
A good act toward an evil person leads to slightly positive reidentifications
regardless of whether the action is accompanied by a display of good or bad
emotion - as if the actor is credited for good conduct and allowed to feel
positive about a good act or to feel negative about interacting with an evil
character. � Context
a person engaging in a wicked act toward a bad person is stigmatized even
though there is some justice in the event, and the prediction is negative
regardless of the emotion displayed. � Context
neutral acts provide little basis for dramatic positive or negative
reidentifications regardless of emotion displays. � Context
appropriate or inappropriate emotion displays affect reidentification mainly
if an actor is behaving nicely or badly toward a good person. � Context
URL: www.indiana.edu/~socpsy/ACT/math/eq_0.html
Document: David
Heise, "Affect Control Theory's Mathematical Model, With a List
of Testable Hypotheses. A Working Paper for ACT Researchers."
February 7, 1992. Revised and posted on the World Wide Web, April 15,
1997.
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